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Shattered: Inside the
Doomed Presidential
Campaign of Hillary Clinton

This scathing behind-the-scenes book by Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes shows how Hillary Clinton blamed her defeat on the FBI investigation into her private emails, Russian interference, and on Trump’s supposed support from “white nationalists.”

From Shattered:

On a phone call with a longtime friend a couple of days after the election, Hillary was much less accepting of her defeat. She put a fine point on the factors she believed cost her the presidency: the FBI (Comey), the KGB (the old name for Russia’s intelligence service), and the KKK (the support Trump got from white nationalists).

“I’m angry,” Hillary told her friend. And exhausted. After two brutal campaigns against Sanders and Trump, Hillary now had to explain the failure to friends in a seemingly endless round of phone calls. That was taking a toll on her already weary and grief-stricken soul. But mostly, she was mad — mad that she’d lost and that the country would have to endure a Trump presidency.

Allen and Parnes describe how Clinton went out of her way to pass blame for her shocking loss on “Comey and Russia.”

“She wants to make sure all these narratives get spun the right way,” a longtime Clinton confidant is quoted as saying.

The book further reveals how Clinton’s Russia-blame-game was a plan concocted by senior campaign staffers John Podesta and Robby Mook “within twenty-four hours” of her concession:

That strategy had been set within twenty-four hours of her concession speech. Mook and Podesta assembled her communications team at the Brooklyn headquarters to engineer the case that the election wasn’t entirely on the up-and-up. For a couple of hours, with Shake Shack containers littering the room, they went over the script they would pitch to the press and the public. Already, Russian hacking was the centerpiece of the argument.

The Clintons developed a two-pronged plan — pushing the press to cover how “Russian hacking was the major unreported story of the campaign, overshadowed by the contents of stolen e-mails and Hillary’s own private-server imbroglio,” while simultaneously “hammering the media for focusing so intently on the investigation into her e-mail, which had created a cloud over her candidacy,” the authors write.

“The press botched the e-mail story for eighteen months,” one Clinton strategist is quoted as saying. “Comey obviously screwed us, but the press created the story.”

Men and working-class Democrats in Pennsylvania turned to Trump, and he simply outdid [Hillary] among white voters in battleground Florida.

The book also reveals Clinton’s confusion and frustration with President Obama, whom she believed had not done enough “to apprise the public that the Russians had gone way beyond what had been reported”:

Why, she wondered, hadn't the president worked harder building the case that Vladimir Putin was targeting her and trying to hand the election to Trump. “The Russia stuff has really bothered her a lot,” one of the aides said. “She’s sort of learning what the administration knew and when they knew it, and she’s just sort of quizzical about the whole thing. She can’t quite sort out how this all played out the way that it did.” Obama had a place on the long list of people, agencies, and international forces Hillary blamed for her loss.

But elsewhere, Allen and Parnes provide polling numbers and other raw data that lay bare the exact cause of Clinton's loss — no, it’s not Russia — men and working-class Democrats in Pennsylvania turned to Trump, and he simply outdid her among white voters in battleground Florida:

Exit polls in Pennsylvania showed that Clinton and Obama won women by thirteen-point margins in 2016 and 2012. But in a state that has never elected a woman governor or US senator, men favored Trump by seventeen points — far outstripping Mitt Romney’s three-point margin in 2012. Geographically speaking, Hillary did better than Obama in Philadelphia and its surrounding suburban counties, but lost working-class Democratic enclaves in Erie and Luzerne Counties that Obama had carried.

In Florida, Trump crushed Hillary in the suburban swing areas outside Tampa and St. Petersburg. As he did nationally, Trump did better with white Floridians than Romney had, doubling up Clinton at 64 percent to 32 percent. Romney had beaten Obama 61 percent to 37 percent among Florida whites.

Clinton also managed to lose the reliably Democratic state of Wisconsin, where she had “had been blown out by Bernie Sanders in the Wisconsin primary” and failed to campaign for months after her party’s national convention:

Turnout in Milwaukee, the key vote center for Democrats in Wisconsin, was off by sixty thousand or so votes from 2012, and nearly three dozen counties in the state saw the partisan margin from that year flip by 20 percentage points or more in 2016. Trump won 52 percent to 41 percent in Brown County, home of Green Bay, site of the visit that Hillary and Obama canceled after the Pulse nightclub shooting in Orlando. Obama had won the county by nine points in 2008 and lost it by two points in 2012. Hillary, who had been blown out by Bernie Sanders in the Wisconsin primary, never set foot in the state.

Finally, Shattered details how Trump turned Michigan — a state that had been blue since 1992 — into a red state:

Roughly a dozen counties in Michigan flipped from Obama to Trump, but one mattered most. Macomb County, bristling with working- and middle-class whites, gave Trump by itself more than his statewide margin of victory. Obama won the county by 16,103 votes in 2012; Trump took it by 48,348 votes — four times his statewide margin.

Destined for the top of the bestseller lists, Shattered is available everywhere books are sold.